975 resultados para New Zionist Organisation


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Robert Briscoe was the Dublin born son of Lithuanian and German-Jewish immigrants. As a young man he joined Sinn Féin and was an important figure in the War of Independence due to a role as one of the IRA’s main gun-procuring agents. He took the anti-Treaty side during an internecine Civil War, mainly due to the influence of Eamon de Valera and retained a filial devotion towards him for the rest of his life. In 1926 he was a founding member of Fianna Fáil, de Valera’s breakaway republican party, which would dominate twentieth-century Irish politics. He was first elected as a Fianna Fáil T.D. (Teachta Dála, Deputy to the Dáil) in 1927, and successfully defended his seat eleven times becoming the first Jewish Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1956, an honour that was repeated in 1961. On this basis alone, it can be argued that Briscoe was a significant presence in an embryonic Irish political culture; however, when his role in the 1930s Jewish immigration endeavor is acknowledged, it is clear that he played a unique part in one of the most contentious political and social discourses of the pre-war years. This was reinforced when Briscoe embraced Zionism in a belated realisation that the survival of his European co-religionists could only be guaranteed if an independent Jewish state existed. This information is to a certain degree public knowledge; however, the full extent of his involvement as an immigration advocate for potential Jewish refugees, and the seniority he achieved in the New Zionist Organisation (Revisionists) has not been fully recognised. This is partly explicable because researchers have based their assessment of Briscoe on an incomplete political archive in the National Library of Ireland (NLI). The vast majority of documentation pertaining to his involvement in the immigration endeavor has not been available to scholars and remains the private property of Robert Briscoe’s son, Ben Briscoe. The lack of immigration files in the NLI was reinforced by the fact that information about Briscoe’s Revisionist engagement was donated to the Jabotinsky Institute in Tel Aviv and can only be accessed physically by visiting Israel. Therefore, even though these twin endeavors have been commented on by a number of academics, their assessments have tended to be based on an incomplete archive, which was supplemented by Briscoe’s autobiographical memoir published in 1958. This study will attempt to fill in the missing gaps in Briscoe’s complex political narrative by incorporating the rarely used private papers of Robert Briscoe, and the difficult to access Briscoe files in Tel Aviv. This undertaking was only possible when Mr.Ben Briscoe graciously granted me full and unrestricted access to his father’s papers, and after a month-long research trip to the Jabotinsky Institute in Tel Aviv. Access to this rarely used documentation facilitated a holistic examination of Briscoe’s complex and multifaceted political reality. It revealed the full extent of Briscoe’s political and social evolution as the Nazi instigated Jewish emigration crisis reached catastrophic proportions. He was by turn Fianna Fáil nationalist, Jewish immigration advocate and senior Revisionist actor on a global stage. The study will examine the contrasting political and social forces that initiated each stage of Briscoe’s Zionist awakening, and in the process will fill a major gap in Irish-Jewish historiography by revealing the full extent of his Revisionist engagement.

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Title on cover: Zionism during the war: a record of Zionist political activity, 1914-21.

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Women's International Zionist Organisation

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The study proposes to test the ‘IS-Impact’ index as Analytic Theory (AT). To (a) methodically evaluate the ‘relevance’ qualities of IS-Impact; namely, Utility & Intuitiveness. In so doing, to (b) document an exemplar of ‘a rigorous approach to relevance’, while (c) treating the overarching study as a higher-order case study having AT as the unit-of-analysis, and assessing adequacy of the 6 AT qualities, both for IS-Impact and for similar taxonomies. Also to (d) look beyond IS-Impact to other forms of Design Science, considering the generality of the AT qualities; and (e) further validating IS-Impact in new system organisation contexts taking account of contemporary understandings of construct theorisation, operationalization and validation.

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Given the economic and social importance of agriculture in the early years of the Irish Free State, it is surprising that the development of organisations representing farmers has not received the attention it deserves from historians. While the issues of government agricultural policy and the land question have been extensively studied in the historiography, the autonomous response by farmers to agricultural policies and the detailed study of the farmers’ organisations has simply been ignored in spite of the existence of a range of relevant primary sources. Farmers’ organisations have only received cursory treatment in these studies; they have been presented as passive spectators, responding in a Pavlovian manner to outside events. The existing historiography has only studied farmers’ organisations during periods when they impinged on national politics, epecially during the War of Independence and the Economic War. Therefore chronological gaps exist which has led to much misinterpretation of farmers’ activities. This thesis will redress this imbalance by studying the formation and continuous development of farmers’ organisations within the twenty-six county area and the reaction of farmers to changing government agricultural policies, over the period 1919 to 1936. The period under review entailed many attempts by farmers to form representative organisations and encompassed differing policy regimes. The thesis will open in 1919, when the first national organisation representing farmers, the Irish Farmers’ Union, was formed. In 1922, the union established the Farmers’ Party. By the mid- 1920’s, a number of protectionist agricultural associations had been formed. While the Farmers’ Party was eventually absorbed by Cumann na nGaedheal, local associations of independent farmers occupied the resultant vacuum and contested the 1932 election. These organisations formed the nucleus of a new national organisation; the National Farmers’ and Ratepayers’ League. The agricultural crisis caused by both the Great Depression and the Economic War facilitated the expansion of the league. The league formed a political party, the Centre Party, to contest the 1933 election. While the Centre Party was absorbed by the newly-formed Fine Gael, activists from the former farmer organisations led the campaign against the payment of annuities and rates. Many of them continued this campaign after 1934, when the Fine Gael leadership opposed the violent resistance to the collection of annuities. New farmer organisations were formed to co-ordinate this campaign which continued until 1936, the closing point of the thesis.

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Tutkimuksen päätavoitteena oli auttaa Myllykoski –ryhmää määrittämään, mistä tekijöistä ryhmän uuden myyntiorganisaation, Myllykoski Salesin, tulevaisuuden imagon tulisi koostua. Näin ollen tutkimus pyrki selvittämään Myllykoski –ryhmän yritysidentiteetin nykytilaa ja Myllykoski Salesin toivottuja imagotekijöitä, sekä vertaamaan niiden vastaavuutta. Lisäksi tutkimuksen tavoitteena oli tutkia Myllykoski –ryhmän nykyistä ja toivottua tulevaisuuden imagotilaa. Jotta imagonrakennusprosessi olisi menestyksekäs, rakennettavan imagon ja viestittävien imagotekijöiden tulisi perustua yritysidentiteetin todellisiin tekijöihin. Yritysidentiteetin voidaan määritellä olevan yhtäläinen sisäisten sidosryhmien muodostaman yritysmielikuvan kanssa ja näin ollen nykyinen yritysidentiteetti voidaan paljastaa tutkimalla henkilökunnan mielipiteitä työorganisaatiotaan kohtaan. Näin ollen käsiteltävä tutkimus suoritettiin tekemällä kaksi sähköpostikyselyä, jotka suunnattiin Myllykoski -ryhmän myynti- ja markkinointihenkilökunnalle. Tutkimusten vastausprosentit olivat 71,4 % (johto, 14 lähetettyä kyselyä) ja 51,9 % (muu henkilökunta, 108 lähetettyä kyselyä). Saatuja vastauksia analysoitiin sekä laadullisesti että määrällisesti. Saaduista vastauksista oli selvästi havaittavissa Myllykoski –ryhmän yritysidentiteetin nykytila, nykyinen ja toivottu imagotila, sekä Myllykoski Salesin toivotut imagotekijät. Verrattaessa toivottuja imagotekijöitä ryhmän yritysidentiteettiin havaittiin, että suurin osa halutuista imagotekijöistä vastasi ryhmän identiteetin nykytilan ominaisuuksia ja näin ollen kyseisiä tekijöitä voitaisiin huoletta viestiä rakennettaessa Myllykoski Salesin imagoa. Joidenkin toivottujen imagotekijöiden viestintää tulisi kuitenkin vakavasti harkita, jottei rakennettaisi epärealistista imagoa.

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hrsg. vom Zionistischen Actions-Comité

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von Elias Auerbach. Hrsg. vom Aktionskomitee d. zionist. Organisation

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Purpose – This paper aims to articulate strategic dilemmas faced by a Chief Executive of a highly successful company and how such dilemmas were resolved. Design/methodology/approach – The case is based on a semi-structured interview with Mr Jeremy Darroch – Chief Executive of BSkyB – and analysis of documentary evidence. Findings – It is often difficult to implement strategies that simultaneously yield high organic growth rate, innovation, and a healthy balance-sheet. The paper sheds light on how Sky has met this challenge. Research limitations/implications – The research offers a unique insight into the views of a principal strategist and articulates the background to offer context, however, because of its design the findings are not generalisable. Originality/value – Very few articles offer insight into the thinking of those with principal responsibility for design and delivery of strategy. This paper offers such an insight based on a detailed interview with a highly successful Chief Executive.